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Die Rosenburg
55,00 € *
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The question of how German government agencies and ministries had been dealing with the Nazi-Past in the immediate aftermath of the war, has most recently attracted a high amount of attention. This development was stimulated by the study "Das Amt", published in 2010, discussing the Nazi-Past of the German Foreign Office. Continuity and changes in terms of institutions and personnel have been put into the focus of the discussion as well as substantive aspects of the policy of the first post-war governments in Germany. Several federal ministries and agencies have established commissions, in order to research their own history through independent scholars. Also the Federal Ministry of Justice has chosen this way in order to learn more about its national-socialist continuities.The several articles of this volume address different aspects of the way from the Nazi-legal system to the judiciary of the early Federal Republic of Germany. A main focus is put on the development of the Federal Ministry of Justice, which was residing in the so called Rosenburg in Bonn from 1950-1973. Issue is taken with questions of personnel, like recruitment and promotion policies, but also with crucial issues of legal policy, like the development of the German Constitution after 1948/49, the legislative power in the "Third Reich" and the early Federal Republic of Germany, the prosecution of war criminals in the immediate aftermath of the war, the beginning of criminal law policy in the Ministry as well as the developments in economy and family law.The "Independent Academic Commission at the Federal Ministry of Justice for the critical study of the national socialist past", so named by its official title, has hosted an academic symposium on April 26, 2012 in the "Kammergericht" in Berlin. The papers collected in this volume were mostly presented at that one-day symposiu.

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Die Rosenburg
56,60 € *
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The question of how German government agencies and ministries had been dealing with the Nazi-Past in the immediate aftermath of the war, has most recently attracted a high amount of attention. This development was stimulated by the study "Das Amt", published in 2010, discussing the Nazi-Past of the German Foreign Office. Continuity and changes in terms of institutions and personnel have been put into the focus of the discussion as well as substantive aspects of the policy of the first post-war governments in Germany. Several federal ministries and agencies have established commissions, in order to research their own history through independent scholars. Also the Federal Ministry of Justice has chosen this way in order to learn more about its national-socialist continuities.The several articles of this volume address different aspects of the way from the Nazi-legal system to the judiciary of the early Federal Republic of Germany. A main focus is put on the development of the Federal Ministry of Justice, which was residing in the so called Rosenburg in Bonn from 1950-1973. Issue is taken with questions of personnel, like recruitment and promotion policies, but also with crucial issues of legal policy, like the development of the German Constitution after 1948/49, the legislative power in the "Third Reich" and the early Federal Republic of Germany, the prosecution of war criminals in the immediate aftermath of the war, the beginning of criminal law policy in the Ministry as well as the developments in economy and family law.The "Independent Academic Commission at the Federal Ministry of Justice for the critical study of the national socialist past", so named by its official title, has hosted an academic symposium on April 26, 2012 in the "Kammergericht" in Berlin. The papers collected in this volume were mostly presented at that one-day symposiu.

Anbieter: buecher
Stand: 08.07.2020
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Kenya's Media Landscape
14,00 € *
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Kenya’s 2010 Constitution guarantees press freedom in a way the country has never previously seen. However, the concentration of media ownership and pending consensus on new media legislation are tarnishing the triumphs of Kenya’s media liberalization and development. Regulation of news content, including hate speech and political bias, as well as journalistic standards are also issues provoking discussion and sullying the image of Kenya as a role model for other East African countries.On May 21, 2014, international scholars gathered in Bonn to discuss their research under the heading “Kenya’s Media Landscape: A Success Story with Serious Structural Challenges”. This publication provides a supplement to the presentations and discussions held at the fifth annual DW Media Dialogue.

Anbieter: Dodax
Stand: 08.07.2020
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Why Europe does not need a constitution
13,90 CHF *
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Seminar paper from the year 2000 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,0 (A), University of Freiburg (Political Science), course: VL/HS: Issues of Contemporary International Politics, 59 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: In the last months the discussion about a European Constitution has gained further popularity with the highly controversial speech of German foreign minister Joschka Fischer at the Humboldt University3. Until recently, most draft constitutions like the Spinelli initiative of the European Parliament in 1994 or the Herman Report in 1994 were discussed on a theoretical level without a hope for realization. Now there is a wave of speeches and contribution of key politicians on this subject. In fact, there are reasons to assume that there is more to it that just the typical German focus on constitutionalism4 but that 'a window of opportunity is opening'5: the need for legal and institutional reform becomes evident in view of the incipient eastern enlargement and the results of the Amsterdam Conference and its postponing strategy have satisfied only few. Moreover, the fact that ECSC expires in 2002 gives further monumentum to the discussion about where Europe should be heading in the years to come and how the problems of a deeper and enlarged Union can be overcome. 1 see Schneider, Heinrich: Gesamteuropäische Herausforderungen an eine Europäische Union, in: Wildenmann, Rudolf (Hrsg.): Staatswerdung Europas? Optionen für eine Europäische Union, Baden-Baden Nomos, 1991 (Studien zur gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung, Bd. 9), pp. 125. 2 see Weidenfeld, Werner: Die Reformbilanz der Europäischen Gemeinschaft: 'Bundesrepublik Europa' als Perspektive? in: Weidenfeld, Werner/Wessels, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): Wege zur Europäischen Union. Vom Vertrag zur Verfassung? Bonn Europa Union, 1986, pp. 28, and Hertel, Wolfram: Supranationalität als Verfassungspri

Anbieter: Orell Fuessli CH
Stand: 08.07.2020
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Principe d'egalite et la constitution de
17,90 CHF *
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Tout juste releve d'un quart de siecle de tragedies, l'Afghanistan s'est lance, depuis les accords de Bonn en decembre 2001, dans un projet de societe democratique que la communaute internationale s'est engagee a soutenir. Gait Archambeaud disseque ici l'argumentaire de cette solidarite, fondee sur le principe d'egalite que les Afghans ont inscrit dans leur nouvelle constitution. L'Afghanistan nous concerne tous, parce qu'il est au carrefour des mondes.

Anbieter: Orell Fuessli CH
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Wandel im Westminstermodell: Im Spannungsfeld z...
5,40 CHF *
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Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2005 im Fachbereich Politik - Politische Systeme - Allgemeines und Vergleiche, Note: 1,0, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn (Seminar für Politische Wissenschaft Bonn), Veranstaltung: Propädeutesches Proseminar, 19 Quellen im Literaturverzeichnis, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Roland Sturm, selbstbekennender Grossbritannienexperte, beschäftigte sich bereits im Jahr 1999 mit der Frage, ob das Westminstermodell am Ende sei. Er zweifelte daran, dass das Modell der Westminsterdemokratie unter dem im selben Jahr gewählten Premierminister Tony Blair und dessen Verfassungsreformpolitik noch Zukunft habe. Heute, 2005 und gut sechs Jahre danach, stellt sich die Frage, inwiefern der Einfluss von Parlamentssouveränität, als fundierte Eigenschaft des britischen Westminstermodells, durch Veränderungen eine einflussreiche Volkssouveränität ermöglicht und neu gestaltet. Verfassungstheoretiker Albert Venn Dicey, beschrieb in einer bis heute anerkannten Definition die fortwährende Beständigkeit der Souveränität des Parlaments: 'The principle of Parliamentary sovereignty means neither more nor less than this, namely, that Parliament [...] has, under the English constitution, the right to make or unmake any law whatever, and further that no person or body is recognized by the law of England as having a right to override or set aside the legislation of Parliament.' Es stellt sich also zwangsläufig die Frage, ob diese Definition auch heute noch uneingeschränkte Gültigkeit besitzt. Zudem ist das Thema der Umgestaltung des Westminstermodells im Viernationenstaat Grossbritannien heute aktueller denn je. In Referenden entschieden sich Schottland und Wales für ein eigenständiges Parlament. Die Debatte über die absolute Parlamentssouveränität des Westminstermodells entflammte erneut. Nun kommt die Frage auf, ob Faktoren erkennbar sind, die auf einen Wandel im konkurrenzdemokratischen Westminstermodell hinweisen. Um diese Frage zu beantworten, beschäftigt sich diese Arbeit im ersten Teil mit dem britischen Westminstermodell. Die definitorische Erklärung von Parlamentssouveränität im Allgemeinen, sowie im speziellen Fall Grossbritanniens stehen hier im Vordergrund. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit wird das System der Volkssouveränität verdeutlicht. Anhand von kontroversen Diskussionen der Öffentlichkeit wird erläutert inwieweit das Westminstermodell auf dem Wege der Veränderung ist. Zudem stellt sich die Frage, ob die öffentliche Diskussion ein Wandel der Souveränitäten im Westminstermodell für realistisch hält und wenn ja, in welchem Ausmass. Als Grundlage der Arbeit dient Literatur, die sich sowohl mit dem politischen System Grossbritanniens, als auch mit der Veränderung des Systems in der Regierungszeit Tony Blairs auseinandersetzt.

Anbieter: Orell Fuessli CH
Stand: 08.07.2020
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From Martha to Laura: The role of the first lad...
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Seminar paper from the year 2004 in the subject Politics - Political Systems - General and Comparisons, grade: 1,3, University of Bonn, course: Einführung in die Innenpolitik der USA, 18 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: The position of the first lady of the United States is unequalled anywhere. In comparison to the wives of other democratically elected leaders, she has a much larger staff, receives immense public attention and is in charge of a considerable amount of federal money. While in Great Britain for example, public attention focuses on the members of the royal family and not on the prime minister's wife, the American first lady was drawn to a public role from the very beginning of the United States of America on. While upon inauguration, the president of the United States swears to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, what does his wife, the first lady promise? The president might be limited by party issues and political ties, but which factors influence the first lady in fulfilling her position? The U.S. Constitution is silent on the role of the spouse of the president since 'after all, there is only one person that chooses her'1(and maybe someday him). The first lady therefore has no democratic legitimacy, but this has not stopped her from publicly representing the American Nation. Where does the acceptance of the first lady as a spokesperson for the American people come from? These are some of the questions this paper will try to answer. The main attention will focus on possible political weight and/or authority of the first lady. The first part will give an overview over the historical development of the office from 1789 until today, describing important social, political and historical factors which have influenced this process as well as personal influences the first ladies and their husbands have had on their position. The second part will focus on the specific roles that the first ladies have taken over throughout its history and their effect on American politics. Although the early first ladies and their influence on the office will be considered too, the focal point will be on the modern first ladies of the 20thand 21st century. Concerning the spelling of First Lady this paper uses the form of leading first ladies' scholars like Robert P. Watson and use the lower case except when referring directly to a specific first lady.

Anbieter: Orell Fuessli CH
Stand: 08.07.2020
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Why Europe does not need a constitution
9,30 € *
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Seminar paper from the year 2000 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,0 (A), University of Freiburg (Political Science), course: VL/HS: Issues of Contemporary International Politics, 59 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: In the last months the discussion about a European Constitution has gained further popularity with the highly controversial speech of German foreign minister Joschka Fischer at the Humboldt University3. Until recently, most draft constitutions like the Spinelli initiative of the European Parliament in 1994 or the Herman Report in 1994 were discussed on a theoretical level without a hope for realization. Now there is a wave of speeches and contribution of key politicians on this subject. In fact, there are reasons to assume that there is more to it that just the typical German focus on constitutionalism4 but that 'a window of opportunity is opening'5: the need for legal and institutional reform becomes evident in view of the incipient eastern enlargement and the results of the Amsterdam Conference and its postponing strategy have satisfied only few. Moreover, the fact that ECSC expires in 2002 gives further monumentum to the discussion about where Europe should be heading in the years to come and how the problems of a deeper and enlarged Union can be overcome. 1 see Schneider, Heinrich: Gesamteuropäische Herausforderungen an eine Europäische Union, in: Wildenmann, Rudolf (Hrsg.): Staatswerdung Europas? Optionen für eine Europäische Union, Baden-Baden Nomos, 1991 (Studien zur gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung, Bd. 9), pp. 125. 2 see Weidenfeld, Werner: Die Reformbilanz der Europäischen Gemeinschaft: 'Bundesrepublik Europa' als Perspektive? in: Weidenfeld, Werner/Wessels, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): Wege zur Europäischen Union. Vom Vertrag zur Verfassung? Bonn Europa Union, 1986, pp. 28, and Hertel, Wolfram: Supranationalität als Verfassungspri

Anbieter: Thalia AT
Stand: 08.07.2020
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Principe d'egalite et la constitution de
14,99 € *
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Tout juste releve d'un quart de siecle de tragedies, l'Afghanistan s'est lance, depuis les accords de Bonn en decembre 2001, dans un projet de societe democratique que la communaute internationale s'est engagee a soutenir. Gait Archambeaud disseque ici l'argumentaire de cette solidarite, fondee sur le principe d'egalite que les Afghans ont inscrit dans leur nouvelle constitution. L'Afghanistan nous concerne tous, parce qu'il est au carrefour des mondes.

Anbieter: Thalia AT
Stand: 08.07.2020
Zum Angebot